THE SAD LEGACY by Pamela Anne Brangwen-Jones
Pamela Ann Brangwen-Jones is
a social worker living in Adelaide, South Australia. Inspired by a life long commitment to
social justice Pamela came to social work as a mature age student following completion of her BA in 1997. In October 1998,
whilst on student placement Pamela met her husband Gary, a child migrant sent to Tasmania,
Australia with his two brothers in January 1970.
In December 2000 Pamela and
Gary embarked on an eight month working holiday to the UK, one of the aims of which was to enable Gary, then 43, to reunite with the family he had not seen for over thirty years.
Pamela feels that her relationship
with Gary
has brought a much deeper understanding to her work as a social worker, particularly in working with children and young people
who have been traumatised and adult survivors of such experiences. Since returning to Australia Pamela has written and presented
a paper about the story of former child migrants to students of Flinders University where she continues to study.
As the wife of a former child
migrant and as a social worker Pamela is strongly committed to promoting a greater recognition and understanding amongst students
and professionals of the child migrant issue and it's relevance to today.
Abstract
The history of
British child migration is a long one, dating back to the 17th century, yet, to date, it s documentation in history and appearance
in educational curriculum seems sadly lacking. The British Child migration schemes eventually ceased in the 1970s, with the
age range of former child migrants currently spanning more than half a century. Whilst not all former child migrants consider
they suffered due to their experience, evidence suggests that many suffered greatly and continue to do so. They are a diverse
group of people with their individual ideas and ways of coping with the impact of their removal from their homeland as children
and their subsequent treatment.
Current research and literature
suggests there are a number of common problems affecting former child migrants. Prime examples of these are difficulty in
forming and keeping relationships and self medicating through the use of alcohol and or other substances in order to deal
with their problems. Theoretical ideas suggest the legacy of child migration will continue through the generations, impacting
on partners and families.
Through my experience as a
social worker and wife of one of the youngest former child migrants (aged 44), sent to Australia in 1970, I will link
my professional learning with my understanding gained through personal experience. I intend to draw on three major theories
to present an understanding of the difficulties facing many former child migrants.
Attachment theory helps us
recognise the problems stemming from the early developmental years, Post Traumatic Stress theory gives us an insight into
the pain of the repeated trauma many former chilsd migrants faced and Loss and Grief theory helps underpin an understanding
of the span of loss and grief issues. I intend the presentation to open up discussion among all participants, whether they
are professionals, allied health workers or former child migrants.
THE SAD LEGACY
My mother
groaned! My father wept.
Into the dangerous world I leapt…(Blake)
INTRODUCTION
In the second half of I998 I was engaged in a social work student placement at an emergency relief agency in Adelaide. My work involved interviewing and sometimes counselling
people who had experienced multiple losses, trauma and great hardship, either throughout their lives or connected to recent
events. I spoke with Vietnam Vets, Refugees, second generation Holocaust survivors,
people of the stolen generation and others. I had some knowledge of the collective stories of these various groups and was
aware of the events in history and current affairs. In October I met Gary when he began working at the agency as a volunteer, he brought with him a new story - the story
of former child migrants.
In January I970 Gary and two of his brothers were sent to Tresca, a Fairbridge home in Tasmania. The boys had been in care for a number of years prior
to their departure from England but the care they had received differed greatly to that of the next
four years. As the horror stories unfolded I was reminded of some Dickensian
tale - but this was not Dickensian times, it was the I970s. Since meeting Gary I have spoken with a number of former child migrants and family members, more so recently in preparing
this paper. I have also spent time researching available literature. In this
time I have discovered that there appear to be a number of common problems affecting former child migrants. These include difficulty in forming and keeping relationships, problems with alcohol and drug dependency,
and phobias.
Former child migrants are a diverse group of people. Not all former child
migrants consider their experiences to have been detrimental, on the contrary, some feel they have had opportunities that
would otherwise have been denied them. The age range of former child migrants
spans half a century, their age on arrival in their new country varies, some as young as two.
In looking to theories to help gain an understanding there are many variables to consider. Not all former child migrants were sexually abused, but many were.
Not all were used as unpaid labour, but many were. The constant physical
and emotional abuse is a recurrent theme. Sadistic and humiliating punishments
are a recurrent theme. And of course the one thing that is common to all former
child migrants is that they were taken away from their homeland as children and evidence suggests that the majority of former
child migrants were lied to.
In this paper I intend to look at how the theories of attachment, post traumatic stress and Loss and Grief can help
bring about an understanding of the lives of former child migrants.
In researching this paper, literature specifically related to child migration linked to these theories was not available.
I have looked closely at the theories in relation to other groups that bear some similarities, for example attachment theory
and loss and grief theory that focuses on children in foster care or having gone through adoption, trauma theory that considers
the effects of childhood abuse.
I will draw on case examples from some of the former child migrants I have spoken with about their lives, experiences
and ways of coping as well as speaking from my own experience of learning as a social worker and wife of a former child migrant. In some instances names may be changed or not used in order to conceal identity, where
real names are used it is by permission.
ATTACHMENT
A number of early theorists, particularly John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth are recognised as having provided a "theoretical
framework for our understanding of long-term and lasting effects of early experiences on a child's ability to attach." This
work was further developed in Britain and the
USA where "research has demonstrated that early traumatic experiences
can have a severe impact on the child's cognitive, psychological, social and physical development, including alterations in
neurological processes."
(Gordon, C, I999:49)
John Bowiby stated: "Attachment between a child and his/her parent(s) is a reciprocal, profound emotional and physical
relationship which sets the stage for all future, intimate, trusting relationships.
Under optimal conditions this is a natural occurrence which is genetically programmed and ensures the survival of the
species. It is found not only in humans but also in the animal kingdom. Attachment ensures that when a vulnerable being experiences tension caused by need
or fear that it will seek the physical proximity and comfort of its attachment figure.
It develops as a result of predictable and reliable responses from parent figures which provide at least reasonable
satisfaction from the tension created by the need."
Research over the years is recognised as validating the theoretical framework of attachment. Whilst working in the Alternative Care system in Adelaide, South Australia, recently I was introduced to the work of Nancy Thomas and became interested in 'Attachment Disorder'
and her work with Attachment Therapy and children in care. My interest grew from
a recognition of similar behaviour patterns appearing in children, particularly adolescents in care to those I was aware of
as being present through the growing years of some former child migrants. Behaviours
such as: lying, stealing, defiance, and running away, just to name a few. Bedwetting
is also not uncommon.
In the Alternative Care system in South Australia a large
number of children and adolescents are diagnosed with Attention Deficit Disorder or Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder,
(later referred to as ADD/ADHD) I am not aware of the diagnosis of Attachment Disorder, though this is not to say it is not
present and it seems the symptoms are very similar. It has been suggested that
"Children with Attachment Disorder often present to therapists and counsellors as having symptoms of Attention Deficit Disorder,
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, or perhaps merely depression." (Spoolstra: 2002:2).
It is not my intention to go into detail about ADD/ADHD other than it's possible relation to insecure attachment and
Attachment Disorder and pose the question: Could the diagnosis be incorrect? and what are the implications of an incorrect
diagnosis which is likely to result in compounding the problem when the child is treated for the symptoms and behaviour rather
than the real problem.
There is much debate about the cause and correct diagnosis of ADD/ADHD: there is also question as to the most suitable
treatment, ranging from "behavior modification programs, counselling, diet, stimulant medication, EEG Neurotherapy, [and]
herbal supplements." (Bailey, Eileen, 2002:2). Children and young people diagnosed
with ADD/ADHD are generally expected to take prescribed medication, such as the stimulants methylphenidate (Ritalin) and dextroamphetamine
(Dexedrine) in order to control symptoms and help moderate their behaviour. In
looking at past practices and policies in order to learn for the future should we perhaps be putting a little more time into
looking at why a large number of children in the Alternative Care system are diagnosed with ADD/ADHD and asking if perhaps
their needs may be something more along the lines of 'attachment therapy', which does not include drugs but rather the main
ingredient is quality time, or at least looking at addressing cause rather than symptoms.
In her article 'An Ecological Approach to Attachment Therapy', Kathy Seifert (2002) states:
"Eighty per cent of the children in the public welfare and juvenile justice systems have some form of attachment disorder. While these children can be identified and treated as early as 5 or 6 years old, the
problem is generally not addressed until later adolescence. Even then, treatment
is either inadequate or not provided. We build more and more prisons to house
those who harm others when treatment can and should be provided as early in the cycle as possible. In the next few years, as this therapy develops and is more readily available, we will reduce the crime
and violence problems in our society."
Martin Maldonado-Duran, MD (2002:I) states "The lack of a secure attachment style affects the child throughout life;
however, an insecure attachment should not be confused with a disorder." He describes Attachment disorders as “the psychological
result of negative experiences with caregivers, usually since infancy, that disrupt the exclusive and unique relationship
between children and their primary caregiver(s). Oppositional and defiant behaviors
that previously were considered a manifestation of conduct disorder now may be explored from attachment theory as expressions
of disruptions in attachment."
I am not saying that former child migrants necessarily came to Australia with "attachment disorder' or even insecure attachment. Detailed
research would be needed to determine such facts. If, however these children
were insecurely attached, or even worse, suffered from 'attachment disorder' then their transition to a new country and new
carers would be likely to have been significantly more difficult and traumatic and the care they would have needed would have
been therapeutic rather than the punitive care many of them received.
Sylvia was eighteen months of age when she was placed in care in the UK. Sylvia's memories of her life there are of being cared
for and feeling happy. When Sylvia was six years of age the nuns were very excited
in preparing her for a visit from her mother, the only visit Sylvia remembers. She
says she can still remember the clothes she wore, particularly the cardigan. The
visit was a major event in Sylvia's life and she still remembers the constant longing for her mother. When she was eleven Sylvia, together with nine other girls from the same orphanage, was sent to Australia. They were led to believe they were going to be adopted
into families. They were sent to the Goodwood Orphanage where, upon arrival they
had their clothes and possessions taken from them. Sylvia says she hated Goodwood
from the beginning, she didn't like the way they talked, she couldn’t understand them and was punished for wetting the
bed.
Within two years of her arrival at Goodwood Sylvia and her friend ran away to a home where her friend had spent a holiday. How desperate were the children? They
walked from Goodwood to Woodville, a distance of about I0 kilometres. The punishment
for running away was "a thrashing". Not only were the two girls who ran away
punished, so too was any child who had been involved in any way in the incident, as was the case with any 'run away'. In the Alternative Care system today some children are labelled as run aways'. Fortunately
today, to the best of my knowledge they are not punished for this expression of their needs, though I believe it can be said
the reason for their constant running away is not addressed.
LOSS AND GRIEF
To begin my discussion about loss and grief I will quote from the novel Silas Marner by George Eliot:- "One day as he was returning from the well, he stumbled against the step of the stile, and his brown pot,
falling with force against the stones that overarched the ditch below him, was broken in three pieces. Silas picked up the pieces and carried them home with grief in his heart.
The brown pot could never be of use to him anymore, but he stuck the bits together and propped the ruin in its old
place for a memorial."
(Silas Marner, chapter 2). Why, one might ask would someone grieve for
a broken pot?
Patricia Weenolson, who has written extensively on Loss and Grief, discusses minor and major losses; some losses are
dearly major losses, such as the loss of someone close due to death. Minor losses
can be far more difficult to define, such as the loss of a material object, (as in the case of Silas's pot), seemingly a minor
loss to one person but could possibly be a major loss to another depending on the meaning of the object to that person. (Weenolson:
I988:20).
Weenolson suggests that losses occur on five levels. In explaining this
she uses as an example the loss of a job which is the primary loss, that is the loss itself.
Secondary are the derivative, concrete losses such as loss of income. On
the third level are the loss of alternatives, future plans, security and predictability.
At the fourth level is the loss of concept of self, that is seeing oneself as for example a teacher or computer programmer,
which may also bring with it a loss of self-confidence and self-esteem. The fifth
level is metaphorical, or the idiosyncratic meaning, that is the meaning the loss has to the individual. (Weenolson: I99I:62)
At the age of thirteen I came to Australia from
England with my parents and two sisters.
The decision was not my own and I did not want to come. Even though it
was my parents' choice to migrate the event was not without significant sadness and a sense of loss for the whole family,
particularly in terms of family relationships. One of the highlights of the sea
voyage out here was receiving letters from my maternal grandparents and school friends when we docked at each port. Since becoming aware of the story of unaccompanied child migration I have often thought of my own experiences,
particularly in those early days. A number of accompanied child migrants I have spoken with had similar feelings and for many
adjustment was not an easy process. Cox (I989:50) states "it is sometimes said
that children in particular are at risk in the migration-integration process." Citing
Katzi from a conference on uprooted children in I978 Cox (I989:5I) quotes "Uprooted children feel displaced, isolated, unable
to communicate adequately or to understand the changes that have taken place in their lives..."
Over the years attitudes about the role and place of children have changed. Understandings
about the effects of certain life events on the psychological and emotional development of children have changed. Children are generally at the mercy of adult choices and decisions and sometimes have little or no say
in matters which are likely to affect their own lives. As a child migrant coming
to Australia with my family I was very much involved in the process once the decision
to emigrate had been made. I was able to ask questions to which I was given truthful answers. I was able to take personal
belongings with me, given time to say good bye, and reassured that I would be able to return in a few years time if I wished
to. As a student a couple of years ago I attended a seminar where I saw a table
that looks at some of the differences between the migrant and refugee experience. I was immediately struck by the fact that
the experience of unaccompanied child migrants seemed to me to fit far more closely with that of refugees rather than migrants.
MIGRANT VS REFUGEES
- (included at back of paper)
I drew up a third part to the table:
MIGRANT VS REFUGEES VS FORMER CHILD MIGRANTS - (included at back of
paper)
It is generally recognised that former child migrants have suffered many losses.
Even prior to their departure from their country of birth they suffered the loss of their family home and environment. People have different ways of coping with and expressing their sense of loss. As stated previously, different losses can have different meanings to people and can
impact on their behaviour in ways that may not be easily understood, either by themselves or those around them.
On arrival in Australia children would have had different expectations depending on what they
had been led to believe. For those who had expected to be adopted perhaps their
first sense of loss was the loss of future and hopes of a family, which may have then caused them to dwell on the loss of
the 'home' they had left, particularly as it was where they had felt safe and secure; or was it maybe the loss of the clothes
and possessions they had taken from them.
About eighteen months ago an opportunity arose for a small group of Adelaide
former child migrants to begin monthly meetings. In their first meeting the group
of women who had all lived at the same orphanage in Adelaide spoke about their
loss experience. The following is a list that they came up with:
§
Abandonment
§
Traumatic experiences -
1.
Immediate loss of home without explanation
2.
Lied to at many times during the transition
3.
Leaving the institution that had been home
4.
Caged at the docks in England when leaving
5.
Change from going out to school in England to school in Orphanage in Australia
6.
Change from caring environment to a cold,
uncaring environment
7.
Change from fairness to unfairness
8.
Response at the orphanage to bedwetting
§
Told half truths and lies
§
Loss of town and country
§
Loss of family
§
Loss of dignity
§
Loss of individual worth
§
Loss of culture - no more 4.00 pm tea - The girls would touch the English car at the Orphanage just to have felt
of Home, of England.
§
Loss of extended family identity - felt
strongly when the women had children of their own
§ Loss of trust and innocence
§
Not belonging
§
Loss of foster Aunts and Uncles in England
§
Loss of affectionate name used in England
§
Loss of British way of speaking - abused
for using English colloquialism
§
Knowledge that other children, refugees
of WWI I were accepted into England and they were shipped out
§
When paid for work in Australia, had to give the money to the nuns
§
Lack of toys
Whilst working on this paper I asked one of the women about her feelings
when they used to touch the English car. There was silence, a few sobs and then
she told me it was an 'Austin of England'. The girls used to crowd around the
car and they would touch the word 'England'. The feelings for Pat were of 'emptiness', 'helplessness' and 'a sense of longing'.
*
Gary
was twelve when he and his twin and younger brother left the Court, the institutional home in which they had lived in care
in the UK for the previous seven years. It was a "beautiful place, it had wooden
bannisters and beautiful big grounds". It was nestled in a little village in
the Yorkshire Moors, where sometimes the boys would go walking. The discipline
was "sometimes harsh but it was fair; you knew what to expect". At school the
boys 'belonged'. They were three of a large number of children from the same
home. Gary sang in the church
choir: this was very important to him, not only because he liked singing but because of the status that went with being a
choir boy and being recognised as a 'good singer'. There was also the financial
advantage, weddings paid 2/6d, funerals paid 5/-. The children living in the
home engaged in a number of social activities, such as bon fire nights, pantomimes and the annual two week holiday.
At the age of twelve he was just about due to become a senior boy in the home with all the extra privileges that entailed. Within a period of two days (as they travelled by plane), all this had changed. On arrival in Australia the brand new suitcases with new clothes and their possessions were taken from the boys. The home in Australia was
very different in many ways to the one they had left behind: the lifestyle was different, the school environment was different
and the discipline was different. Instead of having a group of about twenty children from the home at school, there were only
a few, there was no sense of belonging and camaraderie. Being small and wearing
glasses Gary was picked on in his new school; he was no longer 'one of the boys'. At the age of twelve there were no 'extra privileges' in the home, there were no social
activities, the boys were not allowed to go on school outings and of the twenty cents a week pocket money, they had to bank
ten. There were no two week annual holidays and the daily cooked lunch they'd
been used to became a sandwich with only two slices of bread. The only chance
Gary had to sing was when he found the courage to secretly audition for
the Launceston competitions which were to be held in the time the House parents were overseas.
The temporary House parents were supportive and Gary won second
prize in the under sixteen's. For Gary there were many losses, though he told me he never really thought of them as losses, but what he did feel was that
he had lost his identity, he was a nobody.
*
As children it must have been very difficult for former child migrants to understand the grief they were likely to
have been experiencing through the early days in their new country. In looking
at the loss experiences on the overhead;
I noticed that many of the losses mentioned were immediately felt losses such as for example "loss of affectionate
name used in England", "loss of town and country" and "loss of British way of speaking."
Not all, but many immediate losses bring with them an ongoing loss, such as the "loss of extended family identity - felt strongly
when the women had children of their own."
Throughout their lives former child migrants have suffered many losses, the grief they have suffered is often disenfranchised. In explaining disenfranchised grief, Doka (I993:I28) states:
"There are circumstances... in which a person experiences a sense of loss
but does not have a socially recognised right, role, or capacity to grieve. In
these cases, the grief is disenfranchised. The person suffers a loss but has
little or no opportunity to mourn publicly."
In my reading and conversations with former child migrants I have become aware of many incidents of disenfranchised
grief. One example is the group of children crowding round the English car -
who could they turn to for an explanation or understanding or even acknowledgement of their feelings? Incidents that are for many a time for rejoicing, such as the birth of a child can also bring with it a
sense of loss that may not necessarily be understood, as when the women spoke of their sense of loss when they had children
of their own.
Often a time of family reunion and reconnection can bring with it a huge sense of loss in the loss of the missing time
and development of relationships. A time of happiness in the meeting with family
members one has not met before or for a long time, yet the sadness of the time that has passed without that person in one's
life. About two years ago Gary and his twin met with nearly forty members of
their paternal family. Whilst the reunion was a joyous occasion for all concerned
it was not without sadness for Gary and his brother as they mourned the loss of the opportunity to have met with these family
members years earlier, there was also anger as a major obstacle to a much earlier reunion was the withholding of information
by the authorities.
POST TRAUMATIC STRESS
The traumas suffered by former child migrants are many and varied. For
some it was the ongoing trauma of day to day living in an environment without love and the unjust degrading and humiliating
punishments which brought with them a constant sense of fear. For others there
were specific incidents such as childhood sexual abuse that may have occurred once or a number of times. For some it was witnessing the cruel and harsh punishments inflicted on other children. A number of female former child migrants were raped as young women when they were sent away to work on
country farms.
The United Nations Convention Against Torture I984 defines torture as "An aggravated and deliberate form of cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." By this definition it can be said
that evidence suggests that a large number of former child migrants underwent daily torture whilst in State care. The torture and abuse they received was at the hands of those who were responsible for their nurturing
and development. Herman (pp 96 & 99) states "Repeated trauma in adult life
erodes the structure of the personality already formed, but repeated trauma in childhood forms and deforms the personality
.... While most survivors of childhood abuse emphasize the chaotic and unpredictable enforcement of rules, some describe a
highly organised pattern of punishment and coercion."
Across the 52 institutions accepted to receive child migrants in Australia and over the number of years children were sent out to this country there are many tragic and hoffific
stories of the torture and trauma the children suffered. Punishments I have been
told of include daily brutal and humiliating punishments for everyday crimes such as wetting the bed, imprisonment in attics
or closets for minor crimes such as, in one case, 'stealing' a few oranges, a slap on the head for a sideways glance that
was considered insolent and what may be considered by some as minor - the deprivation of sugar for twelve months, because,
when put on the spot the child had responded to the question "What are you going to do for a new year's resolution?" with
"I'll give up sugar."
Post Traumatic Stress Disorder "is a normal reaction to an abnormal or overwhelming amount of stress ... Anyone who
has undergone a trauma outside the range of normal human stress can develop this disorder." (Matsakis, I996). I spoke earlier
of the possible link between insecure attachment and the diagnosis of ADD. Van
der Kolk B. et al, (I987:I03) look at the relation of abuse to ADD. They state
"it is interesting to note that ADD and post traumatic stress disorder, as defined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders, Third Edition (DSM-III) (62) have many symptoms in common." Perry et al (I995:272) states that "One of
the most studied syndromes which develops following trauma is Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) ... Children exposed to
trauma may have a range of PTSD symptoms, behavior disorders, anxieties, phobias and depressive disorders (Schwarz & Perry,
I994) ... Traumatic experiences in childhood increase the risk of developing a variety of neuropsychiatric symptoms in adolescence
and adulthood. (Davidson & Smith I990; Famularo, Kinscherff, & Fenton, I99I; Ogata et al., I990; Teicher, Glod, Surrey, & Swett, I993)."
Dorothy and Sylvia were eleven years of age when they arrived at the Goodwood Orphanage. The types of punishments inflicted by the nuns on the children at Goodwood for the crime of wetting the
bed include the following:-
§
not allowed to shower or wash till evening
§
standing in the yard with wet sheets over
their heads
§
being belted on the bare buttocks whilst
in bed at night to teach them not to wet the bed. (The cruellest part, Sylvia told me was "sometimes you'd fall asleep thinking
she's not coming tonight, then you'd be woken up for the thrashing").
For Sylvia, these punishments were part of daily life for three years until at the age of fourteen she was sent away
to work on a farm. Her first position, which she was forced to stay in for eight
months was in an isolated area with no electricity. Sylvia worked for twelve
hours a day, she received no payment for her labour, and remembers on one occasion being slapped in the face for washing the
outside of a saucepan before washing the inside. It was at her next place of
employment, still aged fourteen that Sylvia was sexually abused by the owner of the property.
On refusing his advances Sylvia had her head hit against the cement wall. Following
this incident Sylvia ran away, when found she was taken back to the farm, the owner rang the Welfare and told them that Sylvia
wanted to go back to the orphanage. On her arrival the nuns became angry, they
did not want her. When Sylvia told of her experience the Mother she had confided
in made the Sign of the Cross and walked away. Sylvia was left bewildered, confused,
hurt and unsupported.
Within the next few years Sylvia was raped three times, she had no one to tell, no one to confide in, she was alone
with her torment. At the age of seventeen Sylvia was admitted to a psychiatric
hospital for a year. She was alone, disillusioned with life and had tried to
commit suicide a number of times. When a job was found for Sylvia in the city
she was allowed to leave the hospital. Again she was alone, she had no family,
no friends and no support of any kind. She was depressed and continually readmitted
to the psychiatric hospital. Today Sylvia continues to suffer some of this trauma
and will be on medication for the rest of her life.
*
At the age of fourteen Dorothy was sent away to a farm for the summer holidays.
Her holiday pass times included making beds, sweeping floors, vacuuming carpets, dusting furniture and peeling vegetables. One of the young men on the property took a particular interest in Dorothy and on
one occasion asked her to help him put food into the bail bins for the cows to eat whilst being milked. He started to flirt with Dorothy. At first she thought he
was joking but soon realised his intentions and was helpless to stop him raping her.
Dorothy knew very little about her body, she did know that certain parts were 'dirty' and what had happened was wrong. Dorothy was traumatised by the incident. She
had to hide her sin, she knew she wasn't a good girl anymore, this upset her because she wanted to be. Two days later Dorothy's trauma was increased when she began menstruating for the first time. She had no idea what was wrong with her and could only presume it was a punishment from God. She prayed to him to stop the bleeding, pleading that it wasn't her fault and she hadn’t meant to
do it. On her return to the Goodwood Orphanage Dorothy continually wanted to
tell the nuns about what had happened to her but she was too scared to for fear of their reaction. She carried her 'sin' with her, alone for many years. Dorothy
too spent time in psychiatric care and on medication.
Dorothy and Sylvia, like so many former child migrants, spent a number of years in an institution where they were at
the mercy of the whims of the adults controlling their lives. If they stepped
out of line they were punished. The punishments were often sadistic, cruel and
humiliating. For these two women the years of trauma were then followed by rape,
a traumatic event in itself. "The first requirement for treatment [of sexual
assault and violence] is a safe 'social envelope' in which victims are validated and protected from 'the second wound' of
blame and rejection". (Salasin & Rich, I993; Williams, I995 cited in Valant P, I999:I4).
There was no safe social envelope for Dorothy and Sylvia and the many former child migrants who suffered years of trauma,
afraid to tell their secrets, the fear often coming from the knowledge they would not be believed.
One of the many traumas suffered by former child migrants is the trauma of being thrown out alone into an adult world
whilst still a child with no adult support and limited knowledge of how to live independently.
Often this followed years of being abused controlled and humiliated. I have no hesitation in labelling this 'systems
abuse'. In writing this submission to the recent Australian Senate Inquiry into
child migration Gary stated: "My other big concern was the complete abandonment and lack
of care upon leaving Tresca, as a young vulnerable teenager of I6. I was still very much a stranger in a strange land with
no family to turn to ... I did see a welfare officer once a week but I still felt completely alone, a nobody without a future,
feeling completely worthless and unloved. I was actually homeless, in every sense of the word and stateless to boot; and given
no choice in life. No one gave me any guidance or direction or basic support
or love. All these are fundamental to any child growing up. The lack of these have made me the ‘non-adult' I am today, who finds it very hard to form any long
term adult relationships or accept adult responsibility. I find myself constantly trying to find my childhood that I was so
denied."
In The Life Skills Guidebook, put together by Casey Family Programs, it is recognised that life skills are only one
aspect of living independently. Others include education, employment, and relationships
with others. "Readiness to live on one's own is a lifelong process..." (Casey,
2002). The few former child migrants I have spoken with in working on this paper
told me they had been happy in the orphanages they came from in England. They were growing up in loving caring environments with a sense of self
worth and belonging. For all of them their move to Australia and subsequent treatment has taken its toll.
Prior to being sent from Goodwood orphanage to work at the age of fourteen Sylvia had not been allowed to attend lessons
full time as her services were needed in the laundry. When Dorothy was fourteen
she passed her Progress Certificate at school, she prayed and hoped that she could go on with her studies. The nuns had other plans, Dorothy was sent to work on a farm, looking after four children and performing
domestic duties. Gary
left school at the age of I6 with the minimum school leaving certificate, his education was cut short because to leave school
was the only escape from the brutality of Tresca. He had no experience in taking
responsibility for himself and managing his own affairs and no social networks as the children from Tresca were forbidden
to mix with other children. What is 'normal human stress'? How is it defined? How many former child migrants were exposed
to numerous traumatic experiences 'outside the range of normal human stress'?
CONCLUSION
In this paper I have looked at the theories of Attachment, Loss and Grief and Post Traumatic Stress and discussed the
life events of some former child migrants in relation to an understanding of these theories. I have questioned the high number
of diagnosed ADD and ADHD children and adolescents currently in State care, recognising similar behaviour patterns to those
of some former child migrants whose lives were affected by separation from mothers' and families, and in many cases to traumatic
events. In recent years in Australia inquiries into the treatment of children in State care have revealed some horrific stories. The Bringing Them Home report a few years ago dealt with the issue of the stolen generation,
Australia's indigenous children who were taken away from their families. More recently the Lost Innocents: Righting the Record report dealt with the issue
of child migration, British and Maltese children who were taken away from their country and families. There is a call in Australia for
a third inquiry, an inquiry into the non-indigenous Australian children who were taken away from their families and placed
in orphanages. In July 2000 a group called Care Leavers Australia Network (CLAN)
was established. They are lobbying for "recognition of the injustice, mistreatment
and ongoing trauma suffered by so many children put into care." (Horin, Adele, Sydney Morning Herald, March, 2002).
Barbara Cameron-Smith, a Sydney-based journalist and social researcher (cited in Gill,
I998:82I) asks "As a society we are quick to judge past practices but can we second guess the policies that will become
the present generation's skeletons in the cupboard? Or do we only learn by our
mistakes and hence find ourselves looking back in puzzlement or anger? In other
words, are there 'sleeper' issues which might give us grief decades from now?"
In looking to past policies and practices to guide our learning in order to 'help create a better, safer world for
our children and families' I feel there is a great deal we need to do.
We need to listen to the voices of those who have been through the Alternative Care System, we need to listen to the
voices of those currently in State care. It is my opinion that current day practices
in 'child protection' in Australia continue to be harmful to the very people they are supposedly protecting. Practices such as intervention programmes that do not recognise the role of poverty
and the need for long term family support in preference to removal of children from their birth families; poorly matched and
often unsuitable placements, resulting in frequent placement breakdowns and multiple placements; the transporting of foster
children from one placement to another by taxi with no familiar adult with them to introduce them to their new home and foster
carer; children being forced to run away because their requests to be removed from a placement are not listened to; and the
high turn over of social workers working in the Alternative Care system due mainly to short term contracts. I also question
the adequacy of the training and lack of compulsory ongoing training provided to foster carers who, without such training
are unlikely to understand the complex needs of the children going into their care who often need therapeutic parenting.
Perhaps much of this comes down to a lack of funding - to governments tendering out to the cheapest service providers
- often resulting in under resourced services. Are children in the Alternative
Care system treated as individual human beings with individual needs that need to be considered when making decisions about
their lives? Or are they just another placement that has to be made at 5.00 o'clock on a Friday night?
In October this year (2002) in New
Orleans we have the first International
Congress on child migration. In Sydney we have the first National Conference on the Mental Health Aspects of Persons Affected by Family Separation. And as I write, refugee children are held in the detention Centre at Woomera, not
exactly Australia's most pleasant and sought after holiday resort. Some of the refugee children have been released from detention and placed in foster care with Australian
families.
The sad legacy of child migration can be a legacy of learning for the future.
A learning about the long term effects on children of decisions made about their lives by adults. As I stated earlier in this paper, children are at the mercy of the adults who are responsible for their
care. Current government policy in South Australia emphasises the rights and needs of the child and the importance of an ongoing relationship with
the child's biological family. I ask, is funding made available to take this seriously and provide the probably costly and
long term intervention that may be required when a family is at risk? In the
event of a child being taken from their birth family and placed in foster care, do the providers of Alternative Care have
the necessary means to provide quality long term support to meet the often complex needs of foster families?
I conclude by asking the questions: What have we learnt or are we willing to learn from past practices and policies? What are we doing or willing to do to ensure that today's troubled child does not
become tomorrow's troubled adult.
|
MIGRANTS |
REFUGEES |
|
Choose their new country carefully and find out all they can about it before they leave |
Take the quickest way out of their country, often not knowing their destination |
|
Plan their move carefully in advance |
Leave hastily, often to escape from midnight raids and soldiers with guns |
|
Take time to get their passport and visas ready |
Leave secretly, often without any documents |
|
Pack all their belongings up and organize for everything to be sent to their new home |
Leave or witness their homes and possessions being destroyed; leave often with no more than the clothes on their backs |
|
Say goodbye to their friends and family |
Often cannot tell anyone that they are leaving, for fear that friends or family will be tortured to reveal their whereabouts |
|
Leave a forwarding address |
Often cannot get in touch with anyone in their home country for fear of persecution of those left behind |
|
Can go back if they wish to do so |
Will probably never be able to go home
|
|
MIGRANTS |
REFUGEES |
FORMER
CHILD MIGRANTS |
|
Choose their new country carefully and find out all they can about it before they leave |
Take the quickest way out of their country, often not knowing their destination |
Not given choice of country.
Information from adults often misleading – lied to |
|
Plan their move carefully in advance |
Leave hastily, often to escape from midnight raids and soldiers with guns |
Not involved in planning |
|
Take time to get their passport and visas ready |
Leave secretly, often without any documents |
No documents, birth certificate, passport needed as adults |
|
Pack all their belongings up and organize for everything to be sent to their new home |
Leave or witness their homes and possessions being destroyed; leave often with no more than the clothes on their backs |
Allowed to take minimal belongings – then taken from them on arrival |
|
Say goodbye to their friends and family |
Often cannot tell anyone that they are leaving, for fear that friends or family will be tortured to reveal their whereabouts |
Say goodbye but often not understood permanency or distance |
|
Leave a forwarding address |
Often cannot get in touch with anyone in their home country for fear of persecution of those left behind |
Contact controlled, mail censored, incoming not always passed on |
|
Can go back if they wish to do so |
Will probably never be able to go home |
May not be able to go back due to number of reasons – lack of opportunities, poor life skills, financial difficulties. |
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